welfare state of the nation

Remember the horsemeat scandal? A hurried panictime spread across the news media with more urgency than any usually given to food stories (such as those concerning the world’s population which has no access to regular food, or those nations with an obscene excess of the stuff.) Much to the dismay of Queen of the Gloom Kate Hurley-Burley, nobody died from eating horse DNA, so the heatlamp of scrutiny was slowly dimmed until there was barely a flicker left to read recent stories about dodgy fish. Daily updates from warehouses in Romania to three paragraphs on page twenty, and all because nobody died

In the light of Iain Duncan Smith claiming he could live on £53 a week, and the interconnected April 1 onslaught of welfare changes, the horsemeat scandal comes back to mind. Undercutting the media’s coverage was the inconvenient truth about the types of people who bought frozen ready meals on the cheap. Why do people buy low-cost, big bulk Tesco burgers fleshed out (if that’s the right phrase) with horse, or pile ’em high quid-a-box Lidl lasagna? What are these poor people thinking? Or doing?

Despite the popularity of Great British Menu and Masterchef, the general public are no more able to make confit of duck than they could name Zimbabwe’s highest scoring batsman*.

This is not primarily down to a lack of ingredients in most towns and cities, but their cost. On the now totemic £53 a week figure a Masterchef lunch is out of the question, even within walking/bus distance of the ‘world foods’ aisle at Morrisons. And I did say walk/bus for a reason; there’s a good chance that the economically challenged trying to rustle up something like a good meal every day won’t be able to hop into the car every journey. I should know, I’m one of them.

If you don’t already do so, join me in picking up odds and sods at Iceland every week, with bright £1 and £3 stickers on almost every shelf. Shopping budgets can only stretch so far even here, as IDS would find out if he took up the challenge to reduce his incomings to the bare minimum. It wouldn’t go amiss for David Miliband, able to fly off to a £300,000 job away from his working class constituency, to push his trolley around Iceland or Aldi either, to watch as banknotes become pocket-shrapnel far quicker than you realise. It’s not always possible to store away herbs and spices for future recipes if that week’s budget is taken up on basic ingredients.

The quality of food on a low level budget plunges too, which is both how any why the horsemeat scandal affected families on fixed or battered incomes. The bacon you fancy is far too expensive, that’s why what’s currently sizzling in the pan looks see-through and as though the pig was drowned. Pies are thick with tasteless pastry, chicken inflated with water, pizza barely covered with a shredded substance pretending to be cheese.

General assumptions of modern life are predicated on ideas about earning and spending, rather than saving and making do. It’s the opposite of the post-war generation (and the teaching they received) about the value of money coming in, the depth and breadth of opportunity. I know very well what happens when there’s too much month for the money, having been an office monkey with between 60-75% of my monthly wage taken in bills and private landlord rent. There’s only so often a northerner in a low-paid job can stretch the funds for social events, never mind eating something made from scratch. This is being repeated hundreds of thousands of times across the country, away from the cookbook world and glossy magazine fashion shoots.

How you react to the ready-meal reality of people defines your politics; some will urge people to aim towards better jobs with more pay, others would demand better pay and conditions, or more generous welfare payments. I think our current age is the most politically polarised time for a generation, fuelled by the very opposite of political anger. There has not been an ideology-age since the dual work of Bill Clinton and Tony Blair reshaped political parties as lifestyle management companies, and one consequence of all that is the righteous fury on both sides of the spectrum trying to reclaim their relevance. Somewhere away from all this is a group of ordinary people, millions in number, who couldn’t say with much confidence that they, like a Secretary of State of HM’s Government,  would live on £53 a week without any problems. The lifestyle choices you make now may well be formed by the comfort and complacency of your current surroundings. When these are taken away, even the taste of food changes with it.

The bad taste from all this debate, be it flavoured by welfare reform or Union fears, will rest on the tongue of only a small percentage of the population. Whatever term you use, it’s likely that politician’s won’t be part of them.


*Andy Flower, I’m told.

NW spending cuts

Eric Pickles has unveiled his council spending and funding cuts, as part of the Coalition’s plan to reduce the deficit within the lifetime of this (hopefully) fixed-term parliament.

(“Unveiled” sounds like a party piece or end of the pier show. What about….”released”, like “the hounds”? Or “the bees?”)

Over at the FT, it is pointed out very usefully that the important figure to look out for is tucked away in the detail;

…[T]he more important number here is the formula grant, which is the £29bn a year given by Whitehall to local government. It is this number which is falling substantially – by 27 per cent – over the next four years as a result of the spending review.

Using a quick combination of Conditional Formatting and basic self-taught graph knowledge over on Excel (and yet, can I figure out how to do HTML tables? Can I jappery), here’s how the “Formula Grant” reductions break down for councils in my area of first interest, namely and naturally, Lancashire:

*Burnley – 13.8% [to £9.1m)
*Chorley – 14.8% [to £6.7m)
*Fylde – 15.8% [to £4.3m]
*Hyndburn – 13.8% [to £7.8m]
*Lancaster – 13.8% [to £13.0m]
*Pendle – 13.8% [to £8.8m]
*Preston – 14.7% [to £11.6m]
*Ribble Valley – 14.8% [to £3.2m]
*Rossendale – 15.8% [to £4.6m]
*South Ribble – 16.8% [to £5.4m]
*West Lancashire – 14.8% [to £7.4m]
*Wyre – 14.8% [to £7.6m]

*Lancashire Fire Service – 4.2% [to £31.3m]
*Lancashire County Council – 12.2% [to £333.8m]

In raw figures, the Council cuts total is £15.3m

Here are selected figures from elsewhere across the NW;

*Wigan – 11.2% [to £134.8m]
*Salford – 11.0% [to £135.4m]
*Manchester – 10.9% [to £354.1m]
*Knowsley – 11.3% [to £118.3m]

*Cheshire West & Chester – 13.3% [to £96.6m]
*Cumbria County Council – 10.3% [to £158.4]

Nationally, the largest real figure for cuts is £78.4m, from Birmingham CC, followed by the £46.3m suffered by Lancashire CC.

The smallest real figure cuts is £0.4m, seen by Purbeck, West Somerset, and Christchurch councils.